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The U.S. Park Police has lost track of thousands of handguns, rifles and machine guns in what a government watchdog agency concluded is the latest example of mismanagement on a police force trusted to protect millions of visitors to the city’s iconic monuments.

There is no indication that police guns got into the hands of criminals, but the Office of the Inspector General for the U.S. Department of the Interior warned that the Park Police might not know if they had. In a scathing report, the authors said there is “credible evidence of conditions that would allow for theft and misuse of firearms, and the ability to conceal the fact if weapons were missing.”

The probe was launched in part because of an anonymous tip that Park Police officers were improperly taking weapons home. Investigators discovered two instances in which that had occurred, but they found many other troubling examples of mismanagement, according to the report.

Investigators found 1,400 guns that were supposed to have been destroyed or melted down. An additional 198 handguns donated by the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives are sitting in a building in Anacostia but don’t show up in official records.

In another instance, the agency in October 2011 sent a list of 18 pistols, shotguns and rifles it described as lost or stolen to a national database. But it never launched an internal investigation. The guns, it turned out, had been destroyed or given to other agencies — or they were still in Park Police possession, according to the report. One Remington shotgun remains missing.

Continue reading at The Washington Post

A friend of mine sent me an email based on recent reports that “On Friday, the Senate passed the FISA Amendments Act which gives the government the ability to electronically monitor the phone calls, e-mails and other communications of Americans without a probable cause warrant as long as they can claim that one of the parties to the communication is believed to be outside of the U.S.”

The average American is unconcerned that the FISA Act authorizes the federal government to make warrantless wiretaps of phone calls made from the “U.S.” to Iraq, Iran or Afghanistan. The vast majority of Americans will never make a call to a foreign country “outside of the U.S.,” so the vast majority don’t care if the government can wire tap calls to foreign countries without a warrant. But the average American’s indifference to these warrantless wiretaps is based on the assumption that the phrase “outside the U.S.” necessarily applies only to calls made to foreign countries.

My friend, however, asked, “I wonder if ‘outside the U.S.‘ means to the government what it does to us?”

Like me, my friend subscribes to the hypothesis that “The State” (say, “The State of Texas”) is intended to signify a State of the Union while “this state” (say, “TX” or “STATE OF TEXAS”) is intended to signify a territory. If you can establish that you are within The State of Texas, you’ll have many more rights and far more liberty than if you allow yourself to be presumed to be “in this state”.

Similarly, the phrase “outside the U.S.” could have multiple meanings and multiple jurisdictional authorities depending and whether the government intended “U.S.” to signify:

1) the “several United States” (as seen in Article 1 section 2 clause 3 of The Constitution of the United States);

2) the singular “United States” found in Section 1 of the 14th Amendment; or,

3) some entirely different “plane” or venue.

These distinctions are confusing but also potentially important since a law that might be 100% constitutional and authoritative within the singular “U.S.” might simultaneously be completely unconstitutional within the the plane/venue of the several “United States”.

Therefore, the question of whether the FISA wiretapping laws apply or do not apply to you may depend on whichever “U.S.” the government means when they say “outside the U.S.” in the recent FISA Amendment Act.

If government meant the “several United States” and you–or any party to your phone call is deemed to be within the singular “U.S.,” then your party would be “outside of the U.S.” and the government may be empowered to wiretap and record your call.

Alternatively, if the government meant the singular ”United States” when they wrote “outside the U.S.,” and you or any party to your phone call is in the several “United States”–again–government may be able to lawfully and constitutionally tap your telephone conversations.

To paraphrase our former President Bill Clinton, “It all depends on what the meaning of ‘U.S.’ is.”

My friend’s question started me off on another ramble about definitions of words and legal terms. But, as is often the case, I start these “rambles” intending to merely repeat knowledge I’ve previously conveyed but I wind up making new statements of knowledge I hadn’t previously perceived.

My response follows:

• The whole system appears to operate as a bizarre “word game” based on multiple definitions of the same word or term. As I write this email, it occurs to me that the government uses a particular word/term to mean one thing when they know that the people assume it to mean something else.

For example, the government might expressly promise that they will only make warrantless wiretaps on calls to “outside the U.S.” knowing that the average American will mistakenly presume the promise only applies to calls made to foreign countries–when the government meant something entirely different

The problem starts with the Congress being able to define terms in every law on a law-by-law basis. The meaning of the word “state” in one law can be something else in another law and something else, again, in a third law.

Because Congress can create multiple definitions for the same word, it’s virtually certain that the people–who normally presume a word has but one legal definition and that definition is more or less consistent with the people’s “felt” definition–are as confused by today’s “legalese” (a language of conflicting definitions) as they once were by Catholic church ceremonies conducted only in Latin.

Unable to overcome the confusion of multiple definitions, the people are uncomprehending, fearful of their own ignorance, and thereby forced to hire their own attorney as an “interpreter” of the “legalese”.

It occurs to me that there should be words whose meanings are fixed and “universal” throughout a particular legal system. For example the words, “State,” “state,” “unalienable,” “man,” “person,” etc. should each have a fundamental meaning that you can rely on every time you see them in any law passed by the Congress.

The idea of “universally” fixed definitions might seem impossible from today’s perspective, but it’s not. The great advantage of having a legal system based on Latin was the fixed definitions of the words.. Being a “dead language,” the meanings of words written in Latin weren’t subject to legislative decree and did not evolve or change–even over centuries. The meaning of contract written in today would have exactly that same meaning found in an identical contract signed by Julius Caesar in 50 B.C.

It might be hard to become proficient in a “dead language” like Latin, but once you acquired that proficiency, you could read the law of 100 years ago, 500 years ago, 2,000 years ago without having to pay any significant attention to the date of the law. The words would have the same meanings as were understood by Caesar.

Today, if you want to know what a law means, you must first calculate when the law was enacted. If it was enacted prior to A.D. 1933 it might have one meaning, while it could have significantly different meanings if it was enacted prior to A.D. 1948, prior to A.D. 1968, prior to A.D. 1971 or after A.D. 1971. Identical words and seemingly identical laws could have significantly different and even contradictory meanings depending on the time of their enactment.

• It also occurs to me that including a list of providing unique definitions of terms is commonplace in private contracts. I might sign a contract with you where we agreed to the meanings of several words. I might sign another, similar contract with someone else where we agreed to define the very same words but with different meanings. Thus, changing and evolving definitions would be acceptable in private law because those changes only applied to the two (or more) parties to the contract.

But I wonder if changing definitions in the public law might not be prohibited. Every time Congress redefines a term for a specific law, they are essentially changing our language. I’m not talking about Congress adding and defining new words that might not have existed even five years ago. I’m talking about taking the meaning of a word that’s been established by history and changing it.

When Congress changes the meanings of words by law, Congress changes our culture. When Congress introduces a multiplicity of definitions for the same word, Congress creates the modern equivalent of a “Tower of Babel” where each of us is speaking a unique language and is unable to understand the language of others or be understood by others.

Does Congress have the power to change our language? Does Congress have the power to change our culture? Does Congress have the power to redefine words so as to confuse the language and divide the culture just as God divided the workmen on the Tower by giving them different languages? Maybe. But it shouldn’t.

So, I’m wondering–if giving words unique definitions in private contracts is OK, is it possible that a similar propensity to provide unique definitions of words in “laws” is evidence that those laws are “private laws” rather than “public laws”? I doubt that’s true. Even if it is true, I doubt that I could prove at this time. But I wonder . . . .

• I recognize that the meanings of words usually evolve and change “naturally”–by the custom of the people. The word’s “cool” and “gay” had one meaning when I was a child but have come to assume significantly different meanings today. Congress didn’t cause those changes; the people did.

Still, should the Congress be empowered to impose new definitions by law that only confuse the people?

Congress would almost certainly argue that when they define the meaning of word for a particular law, they do so in order to enhance the law’s specificity and clarity. That might be true relative to a particular law, but it is not true relative to the body politic? As the multiplicity of legal definitions grows, communication–and resulting agreement–is not enhanced but is, instead, diminished.

The people should have confidence that the word “United States” means the same thing today as it did when the Constitution of the United States was adopted. The people should have confidence that the terms “direct Taxes” and “States” (as seen in Article 1.2.3 of the Constitution of the United States) have the same meanings today as they had when the Constitution was ratified.

The people should have confidence that the laws are written in a language they can comprehend with definitions that are ultimately decided by the sovereigns (the people) rather than the servants (the Congress).

• Much of what I’m advocating is at least unlikely and perhaps impossible. Still, it seems to me that there should not be several different definitions for a fundamental term like “State” for each section in the United States Code. At most, there might be list of unique definitions for each Title of the USC (even that would allow for 50 different definitions for a particular world within the entire USC). There shouldn’t be a multiplicity of definitions for all the sections within each of the 50 Titles. More, there should 20, 50, perhaps 100, fundamental words that are commonly used in law and are therefore expressly defined at Title 1 of the USC and declared to apply in every instance where they’re used through the entire 50 (?) Titles of the USC.

If we’re correct in thinking that the government has supplanted our States of the Union with territories defined as “this state,” or “STATE” or some such, then the whole system would collapse if we could simply cause Congress and the courts to admit that the exact, capitialized word “State” and only “State” was defined to mean States of the union–and that any other word that defined a political subdivision that was not a State of the Union had to avoid using the word “State” and be expressly defined as something other than a State of the Union.

• I’ve previously written that “definitions are the law of the law“. In other words, the meaning of a law enacted by Congress depends on the definitions of the words used to express that law. But, today, I’m seeing even more truth in that statement than I have in the past.

What’s the ultimate meaning of any law? Sometimes, a word or phrase in a law is clearly ambiguous in meaning. A strict reading of the word or phrase will show that it might mean “A” or it might mean “B”. Even though the two definitions (“A” and “B”) are contradictory, both definitions can be reasonably inferred from the context of the particular law.

Therefore, the courts are sometimes called upon to decide whether a particular word or phrase in an enacted law means “A” or “B”. How does the court ultimately determine what the ambiguous word or phrase means? They read the Congressional Record, the journals of the committees that first hashed out the proposed law. The meaning of the words in a law is ultimately decided by the discovering the intent of the Congress when they drafted and enacted the law. The courts have ruled that the meaning of any law is not necessary what the law says in a strict reading of the words, but rather what the Congress intended to law to mean when they wrote those words. If Congress made a mistake in the language of the law, the laws means what Congress intended, not what Congress expressly wrote.

But we know that Congress routinely refuses to even read the laws that they vote to enact. Not one Congressman read the Patriot Act before they voted for it. How many read ObamaCare before they voted for it? (I doubt that Barack Obama has read ObamaCare to this day.) I guarantee that no more than 10% (and probably 1% or less) of the Congress read ObamaCare before the majority of the Congress voted to enact it.

So, what’s the “congressional intent” behind a law that Congress have never read? How can a meaning be “intended” for a law that Congress have never read? How can there be “congressional intent” if the Congress hasn’t even read (let alone understood) the laws they enact? How can the definitions in laws that Congress hasn’t even read have any legal force if there was no “congressional intent“?

• We’re told that “ignorance of the law is no excuse”. But when we’re faced with a multitude of definitions, it becomes virtually impossible for anyone to understand the law.

We routinely have 5-4 decisions on the Supreme Court. 5 Justices say the law means “A”; the other 4 Justices say, No, it means “B”. The majority prevails. But if the 9 Supreme Court justices can’t even agree on what the law means, it implies that even the Supreme Court justices don’t all “know” what the law means, and that implies that even the Supreme Court justices are routinely “ignorant of the law”. If the Supreme Court’s ignorance of the law is tolerated, why must the average American’s ignorance be rejected as “inexcusable”?

• I’m increasingly convinced that one of the most powerful lines of defense against government prosecution is to simply inquire about the definitions of their most important terms. I believe this may be especially true early on, when they send their first Notice. I respond with questions. I include questions concerning the meanings of fundamental terms that appear in their Notice. I might look in Black’s Law Dictionary for any term in the Notice that’s of interest. Black’s will probably offer two or more definitions of that term. Black’s may thereby establish that the term is ambiguous since it it is recognized as having several definitions. That “official” recognition makes my questions about the meaning of the particular word or term “reasonable”. I’ll ask if the authors of the Notice used the particular word with the meaning specified in definition 1, 2, or 3 found in Black’s or perhaps some other definition not found in Black’s.

After all, doesn’t the 6th Amendment mandate that “In all criminal prosecutions [by the federal government], the accused shall enjoy the right . . . to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation”? How can the government inform me of the “nature and cause” of the accusation against me without the use of words? How can I understand the meanings of the words intended to inform me of the “nature and cause of the accusation” unless I know the definitions of those words?

Of course, the government could defeat my demand for definitions under the 6th Amendment under the pretext that the 6th only applies to criminal prosecutions–and this is not a criminal case. That’s fine with me. As soon as they admit the case is not of a criminal nature, I’m going to file a counter-claim since the case must be of a civil nature.

They might claim their suit is penal rather than criminal or civil. But, my understanding of “penal” is that it’s a civil suit with attached criminal penalties. Penal is civil in nature.

I strongly suspect that once I start making inquiries about their definitions, their interest in prosecuting me may diminish or even disappear.

Once they admit that we’re in a civil proceeding, I believe that I can rely on “procedural due process” to encourage the gov-co to answer my questions. Procedural due process consists of 1) Notice; and 2) Opportunity to be heard. As I’ve speculated in some of my articles on Notice, I don’t think any Notice is complete until the recipient agrees that it’s sufficient to apprise him of all the relevant facts and law of the case. If so, the right to procedural due process opens the door to asking questions–including questions about the definitions of the terms used in the Notice.

• The whole system appears to function as a giant, almost incomprehensible word game. From government’s perspective, the game depends on your ignorance concerning words, definitions and grammar. But once you begin to comprehend the words and their definitions, the game ends. If you can overcome your ignorance, government will have a very hard time in prosecuting an accused. That doesn’t mean that no prosecution will take place. It doesn’t mean that no prosecution could possibly succeed, But it does mean that any prosecution will be less probable.

The government’s “word game” is based on deception, fraud, breach of fiduciary obligations, and treason. This “word game” absolutely depends on the sophisticated use of language.

This game is wicked but it’s not new. 2,000 years ago, the Christ warned “Woe unto you also, ye lawyers! for ye lade men with burdens grievous to be borne, and ye yourselves touch not the burdens with one of your fingers.” Luke 11:46

How do you suppose the lawyers of the Christ’s time were able to “lade men with burdens grievous to be born”? With guns, clubs, knives and whips? Or with the sophisticated use of words and language? Men were trapped and enslaved with mere words 20 centuries ago. Men are trapped and enslaved with mere words today.

The process is undoubtedly wicked.

Still, there’s one good thing about this “word game”. It can be stopped with a diligent pursuit of knowledge about words, definitions and grammar. Guns and bombs may not be required to win–only books and dictionaries.

Learn the language or accept your status as a slave.

Source: Adask

20 Facts About Extraordinary Rendition, Torture, and Secret Detention

John Glaser, February 05, 2013

According to a new report by the Open Society Justice Initiative, the CIA rendered at least 136 individuals and at least 54 governments around the world participated in the program. Many of these people were completely innocent, something the CIA’s Office of Inspector General called “erroneous renditions” in their investigation of the program.

Read of the report in the New York Times here. Read it in full here.

Below are 20 findings covered in the report, provided by Open Society:

1. At least 136 individuals were reportedly extraordinarily rendered or secretly detained by the CIA and at least 54 governments reportedly participated in the CIA’s secret detention and extraordinary rendition program; classified government documents may reveal many more.

2. A series of Department of Justice memoranda authorized torture methods that the CIA applied on detainees. The Bush Administration referred to these methods as “enhanced interrogation techniques.” “Enhanced interrogation techniques” included “walling” (quickly pulling the detainee forward and then thrusting him against a flexible false wall), “water dousing,” “waterboarding,” “stress positions” (forcing the detainee to remain in body positions designed to induce physical discomfort), “wall standing” (forcing the detainee to remain standing with his arms outstretched in front of him so that his fingers touch a wall five four to five feet away and support his entire body weight), “cramped confinement” in a box, “insult slaps,” (slapping the detainee on the face with fingers spread), “facial hold” (holding a detainee’s head temporarily immobile during interrogation with palms on either side of the face), “attention grasp” (grasping the detainee with both hands, one hand on each side of the collar opening, and quickly drawing him toward the interrogator), forced nudity, sleep deprivation while being vertically shackled, and dietary manipulation.

3. President Bush has stated that about a hundred detainees were held under the CIA secret detention program, about a third of whom were questioned using “enhanced interrogation techniques.”

4. The CIA’s Office of Inspector General has reportedly investigated a number of “erroneous renditions” in which the CIA had abducted and detained the wrong people. A CIA officer told the Washington Post: “They picked up the wrong people, who had no information. In many, many cases there was only some vague association” with terrorism.

5. German national Khaled El-Masri was seized in Macedonia because he had been mistaken for an Al Qaeda suspect with a similar name. He was held incommunicado and abused in Macedonia and in secret CIA detention in Afghanistan. On December 13, 2012, the European Court of Human Rights held that Macedonia had violated El-Masri’s rights under the European Convention on Human Rights, and found that his ill-treatment by the CIA at Skopje airport in Macedonia amounted to torture.

6. Wesam Abdulrahman Ahmed al-Deemawi was seized in Iran and held for 77 days in the CIA’s “Dark Prison” in Afghanistan. He was later held in Bagram for 40 days and subjected to sleep deprivation, hung from the ceiling by his arms in the “strappado” position, threatened by dogs, made to watch torture videos, and subjected to sounds of electric sawing accompanied by cries of pain.

7. Several former interrogators and counterterrorism experts have confirmed that “coercive interrogation” is ineffective. Col. Steven Kleinman, Jack Cloonan, and Matthew Alexander stated in a letter to Congress that that U.S. interrogation policy “came with heavy costs” and that “[k]ey allies, in some instances, refused to share needed intelligence, terrorists attacks increased world wide, and Al Qaeda and like-minded groups recruited a new generation of Jihadists.”

8. After being extraordinarily rendered by the United States to Egypt in 2002, Ibn al-Shaykh al-Libi, under threat of torture at the hands of Egyptian officials, fabricated information relating to Iraq’s provision of chemical and biological weapons training to Al Qaeda. In 2003, then Secretary of State Colin Powell relied on this fabricated information in his speech to the United Nations that made the case for war against Iraq.

9. Abu Zubaydah was waterboarded at least 83 times by the CIA. FBI interrogator Ali Soufan testified before Congress that he elicited “actionable intelligence” from Zubaydah using rapport-building techniques but that Zubaydah “shut down” after he was waterboarded.

10. Torture is prohibited in all circumstances under international law and allegations of torture must be investigated and criminally punished. The United States prosecuted Japanese interrogators for “waterboarding” U.S. prisoners during World War II.

11. On November 20, 2002, Gul Rahman froze to death in a secret CIA prison in Afghanistan called the “Salt Pit,” after a CIA case officer ordered guards to strip him naked, chain him to the concrete floor, and leave him there overnight without blankets.

12. Fatima Bouchar was abused by the CIA, and by persons believed to be Thai authorities, for several days in the Bangkok airport. Bouchar reported she was chained to a wall and not fed for five days, at a time when she was four-and-a-half months pregnant. After that she was extraordinarily rendered to Libya.

13. Syria was one of the “most common destinations for rendered suspects,” as were Egypt and Jordan. One Syrian prison facility contained individual cells that were roughly the size of coffins. Detainees report incidents of torture involving a chair frame used to stretch the spine (the “German chair”) and beatings.

14. Muhammed al-Zery and Ahmed Agiza, while seeking asylum in Sweden, were extraordinarily rendered to Egypt where they were tortured with shocks to their genitals. Al-Zery was also forced to lie on an electrified bed frame.

15. Abu Omar, an Italian resident, was abducted from the streets of Milan, extraordinarily rendered to Egypt, and secretly detained for fourteen months while Egyptian agents interrogated and tortured him by subjecting him to electric shocks. An Italian court convicted in absentia 22 CIA agents and one Air Force pilot for their roles in the extraordinary rendition of Abu Omar.

16. Known black sites—secret prisons run by the CIA on foreign soil—existed in Afghanistan, Lithuania, Morocco, Poland, Romania, and Thailand.

17. Abd al Rahim al Nashiri was secretly detained in various black sites. While secretly detained in Poland, U.S. interrogators subjected al Nashiri to a mock execution with a power drill as he stood naked and hooded; racked a semi-automatic handgun close to his head as he sat shackled before them; held him in “standing stress positions;” and threatened to bring in his mother and sexually abuse her in front of him.

18. President Obama’s 2009 Executive Order repudiating torture does not repudiate the CIA extraordinary rendition program. It was specifically crafted to preserve the CIA’s authority to detain terrorist suspects on a short-term, transitory basis prior to rendering them to another country for interrogation or trial.

19. President Obama’s 2009 Executive Order also established an interagency task force to review interrogation and transfer policies and issue recommendations on “the practices of transferring individuals to other nations.” The interagency task force report was issued in 2009, but continues to be withheld from the public. It appears that the U.S. intends to continue to rely on anti-torture diplomatic assurances from recipient countries and post-transfer monitoring of detainee treatment, but those methods were not effective safeguards against torture for Maher Arar, who was tortured in Syria, or Ahmed Agiza and Muhammed al-Zery, who were tortured in Egypt.

20. The Senate Select Intelligence Committee has completed a 6,000 page report that further details the CIA detention and interrogation operations with access to classified sources. However, the report itself remains classified.

Source: Antiwar Blog

By Michael Isikoff
National Investigative Correspondent, NBC News

A confidential Justice Department memo concludes that the U.S. government can order the killing of American citizens if they are believed to be “senior operational leaders” of al-Qaida or “an associated force” — even if there is no intelligence indicating they are engaged in an active plot to attack the U.S.

The 16-page memo, a copy of which was obtained by NBC News, provides new details about the legal reasoning behind one of the Obama administration’s most secretive and controversial polices: its dramatically increased use of drone strikes against al-Qaida suspects abroad, including those aimed at American citizens, such as the September 2011 strike in Yemen that killed alleged al-Qaida operatives Anwar al-Awlaki and Samir Khan. Both were U.S. citizens who had never been indicted by the U.S. government nor charged with any crimes.

The secrecy surrounding such strikes is fast emerging as a central issue in this week’s hearing of White House counterterrorism adviser John Brennan, a key architect of the drone campaign, to be CIA director. Brennan was the first administration official to publicly acknowledge drone strikes in a speech last year, calling them “consistent with the inherent right of self-defense.” In a separate talk at the Northwestern University Law School in March, Attorney General Eric Holder specifically endorsed the constitutionality of targeted killings of Americans, saying they could be justified if government officials determine the target poses “an imminent threat of violent attack.”

But the confidential Justice Department “white paper” introduces a more expansive definition of self-defense or imminent attack than described by Brennan or Holder in their public speeches. It refers, for example, to what it calls a “broader concept of imminence” than actual intelligence about any ongoing plot against the U.S. homeland.

Continue reading at: NBC

DOJ Whitepaper

The Justice Department has ruled that the Obama administration does not have to disclose video showing the forced extraction of Guantanamo Bay prison detainees because doing so would be detrimental to national security.

US District Judge John Bate has decided that the Pentagon does not have to produce dozens of recordings taken at the Guantanamo Bay, Cuba military detention facility, closing the case on a long-standing Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request filed by plaintiffs with the International Counsel Bureau (ICB) and the law firm of Winthrop, Shaw, Pittman, LLP.
The attorneys and ICB have been asking to see 45 video clips of forced cell extractions recorded at Gitmo as well as another tape showing a detainee shackled by guards against his will so that they could administer a haircut. On December 4, Judge Bate granted summary judgment to the government, giving Uncle Sam the go-ahead to keep the materials classified.
“If the videos were made public, it would encourage more detainees to engage in disruptive behavior that would likely result in forced cell extractions, hereby increasing the likelihood of injury to both detainees and military personnel,” the justice writes.

Judge Bates acknowledges in his ruling that the decision was influenced in-part by affidavits and sworn testimony provided by the Department of Defense in which the Pentagon successfully argued that the release of the requested footage could inflame anti-American sentiment.

Included in the defense’s plea were statements made by William K. Lietzau, the Obama administration’s deputy assistant secretary of defense for detainee policy, and Maj. Gen. Karl R. Horst, Chief of Staff for the US Central Command. According to Lietzau, the public release of the requested videos would harm relationships between the United States and its allies since it would raise “serious questions” about whether or not the US has been acting in accordance with the Geneva Conventions.

The Defense Department argues that the Geneva Conventions provide the government with the protection to refrain from releasing the footage if the courts cannot determine a legitimate purpose to the disclosure.
The courts has previously found in favor of the Pentagon in related cases, but ISB vs. USA was renewed after the defendants asked the Department of Defense to perform a more thorough search of material that could return positive findings pursuant to the plaintiffs’ FOIA request. The court had last decided, though, that the requested videos in full were not necessarily protected by security provisions that allow them to be withheld and have been tasked most recently with determining if any part of the footage in questions could be declassified.

In his affidavit provided to the DoD, Lietzau said, “there is a significant risk that public release, even of portions of forced cell extraction videos, would cause serious damage to national security.”

“[D]etainees would quickly learn that these videos are a useful means of communicating with others, potentially including al-Qaeda and associated enemy forces not detained at Guantanamo,” Lietzau told the court. Thus, he said, it’s imperative to prevent the release of any footage whatsoever.

“Lietzau asserts that even a ten second image of a detainee waiting to be forcibly removed from his cell would show the public that a detainee was resisting the rules of the detention facility, which would allow al-Qaeda and its affiliates to create propaganda out of such images,” Judge Bates wrote in his ruling.

Maj. Gen. Horst agrees largely with Lietzau, telling the court that he saw similar footage used to “incite the civilian population and influence government officials,” and wouldn’t discount that happening again” in the US Central Command.
The videos at the center of the FOIA release that show cell extractions “are particularly subject to use as propaganda,” says Maj. Gen. Horst, because it’s clear US guards are forcefully interacting with detainees. On their part, the plaintiffs in the case say using the footage for propaganda purposes and for relaying cover communications are “hypothetical and attenuated.”

Maj. Gen. Horst adds that while he wouldn’t rule out anti-US forces to manipulate the footage or use it out of context, as is the video is itself “inflammatory given the sensitivities surrounding the U.S. detention of foreign nationals.”
“In any event, these additional declarations, providing plausible explanations of the harm to national security from the release of even solo images of a detainee, and explanations for why the videos were appropriately classified in their entirety, ‘merit substantial weight,’” writes Judge Bate.

The ICB and Pillsbury Winthrop have been pursuing information about foreign nationals held at Gitmo since at least 2008. US President Barack Obama has insisted that he will close the facility during his second term since he has been unable to fulfill that promise during his first four years in office, but a provision on next year’s defense spending bill he is expected to sign includes wording that will be make it fiscally impossible to move detainees from Gitmo to elsewhere.
Aides for the president have claimed the commander-in-chief will veto the 2013 National Defense Authorization Act if the measure restricting Guantanamo funds remain intact, although a similar warning to reject the current bill over provisions that allow for the indefinite detention without trial and charge of US citizens was ignored by Mr. Obama.

Source: RT


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